Credit
Where Credit Is Due: Open
Economy Industrial Policy and Export Diversification in Latin
America and the Caribbean. Politics
& Society, Vol. 33:4 (December 2005). Andrew Schrank
and Marcus
Kurtz. What are the underpinnings of rapid, export-led growth in
the developing world? While mainstream economists assume that
developed country markets are easily conquered via price competition,
and therefore advocate laissez faire trade and investment regimes,
their critics treat price competition as a necessary but insufficient
source of competitive advantage and therefore counsel caution.
Who is correct? Does market competition offer a sufficient basis
for rapid, export-led growth? Or is an active industrial policy
necessary? We hope to answer the question by: (1) acknowledging
the persistent-and arguably growing-differences between activist and
laissez faire approaches to outward orientation; and (2) underscoring
the manifold benefits of the activist approaches pursued by a number of
Latin American and Caribbean governments in the late 1990s; and (3)
accounting for activism's apparent success in the otherwise
inauspicious Latin American and Caribbean context by distinguishing the
open economy industrial policies in question from either their closed
economy predecessors-i.e., import-substituting industrialization-or
more traditional, liberal approaches to outward orientation.
We utilize both quantitative, cross-national data and qualitative, case
study materials to achieve our goals. The quantitative data
divide the region's open economy industrial policies into their
principal components-fiscal incentives and credit subsidies-and thereby
provide a number of particularly fine-grained insights into their
consequences. On the one hand, the results suggest that credit
subsidies have played a particularly vital role in the growth of
exports from the leading Latin American and Caribbean exporters in the
late 1990s and early twenty-first century. By insulating their
firms from the ingrained imperfections of their underdeveloped credit
markets, activist governments and their exporters have outperformed
their laissez faire rivals more or less consistently since 1995.
On the other hand, they suggest that neither international economic
integration nor competitive rent-seeking need constitute an
insurmountable obstacle to the successful use of industrial policy in
the twenty-first century.
Growth and Governance: A Defense. Journal of Politics Vol. 69:2 (May 2007). Marcus Kurtz and Andrew Schrank. The article above was the first contribution in a debate with Daniel Kaufmann, Aart Kraay, and Massimo Mastruzzi at the World Bank. This is our response to their contribution to that debate. Here we contend that conceptual problems have undermined efforts to measure government effectiveness, and show how as a result inappropriate sources and indicators have been used in the effort to capture this concept, with potentially worrisome implications for consumers of this data.
The Social Foundations of Institutional Order: Reconsidering War and the 'Resource Curse' in Andean State Building. The question of state building has long been a central topic for scholars of Comparative Politics. But while it is generally well-accepted that 'strong' states develop more rapidly, win wars, and more effectively cope with external shocks, what is less understood is why some states develop effective bureaucracies - capable of extracting resources and deploying them in pursuit of public goods - while others remain mired in corruption, rent-seeking, and predation. Traditional answers have suggested that external conflict promotes administrative modernization, while access to comparatively easily-extracted natural resource rents impedes it. This paper takes a different turn, arguing that bureaucratic effectiveness is a product of an interaction between social and political dynamics. Where agriculture is not labor repressive and political elites are incorporated within the state (either through absolutist subordination or cooperative 'oligarchic democracies'), then it is likely that international conflicts will promote political modernization and resource wealth can be put to good use. Where they do not obtain, however, war more likely provokes state failure while resource wealth is likely only to generate clientelist domination and the creation of 'rentier states.' The paper makes this case through an examination of the post-independence political development of Peru and Chile; countries locked in a century-long strategic conflict (that spawned two major wars), and both overwhelmingly dependent not only on natural resource exports, but the very same natural resource exports. Nevertheless, their political development followed widely divergent paths, with the former facing persistent administrative collapse and the continued inability to extract resouces or provide public goods, while the latter built an unusually effective public bureaucracy, capable of extracting and deploying resources in far more developmentally nutritious ways.